Berlin Staatsbibliothek Petermann I 24: Difference between revisions
Created page with "{{Manuscript |Has Reference Number=SyriacSindban1 |Has Display Title=Syriac (Berlin Sachau 238) |Has Location=Berlin, Staatsbibliothek |Has Siglum=Petermann Syr. 24 |Has Page Range=60a–87b |Has Standardised Title Of Narrative=Sindban |Has Incipit Or Textual Title=ܟܬܒܐ ܕܣܢܕܒܢ (the book of sindban) |Has Siglum Of The Version Of The Seven Sages=Syriac |Was Translated Or Adapted From=Arabic Version A (The Seven Viziers) |Has Scribe=Unknown |Has Canonical Name Of..." |
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|Has Total Pages In Manuscript=87 surviving (many replacement folios added later); 177 folios originally | |Has Total Pages In Manuscript=87 surviving (many replacement folios added later); 177 folios originally | ||
|Has Illustrations=No | |Has Illustrations=No | ||
|Has Modern Edition=Baethgen, F., (ed.): Sindban oder Die Sieben weisen Meister. Syrisch und Deutsch. Leipzig 1879; David Taylor (in progress as of 2025) | |Has Modern Edition=Baethgen, F., (ed.): Sindban oder Die Sieben weisen Meister. Syrisch und Deutsch. Leipzig 1879 (Baethgen, F., (ed.): Sindban oder Die Sieben weisen Meister. Syrisch und Deutsch. Leipzig 1879); David Taylor (in progress as of 2025) | ||
|Has Modern Research Literature=Barsoum, I. A,. The Scattered Pearls: A History of Syriac Literature and Sciences, 2nd revised (Piscataway, New Jersey: Gorgias Press, 2003)., p: 196.; Gollancz, H., ‘The History of Sindbad and the Seven Wise Masters’, Transactions of the Folk-Lore Society 8 (1897), 99–130.; Jernstedt, V., Mich. Andreopuli Liber Syntipae (1912). (Greek translation); Macler, F., Contes syriaques. Histoire de Sindbad (1903).; Minets, Y., “Language of Speaking, Arguing, and Persuading: Cultural Exchange and Adaptation in Greek and Syriac Versions of the ‘History of Sindban/Syntipas’,” Das Mit- telalter 28:1 (2023), 155–171.; Minov, S., (ed.), A Comprehensive Bibliography on Syriac Christianity (The Center for the Study of Christianity, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2013) | |Has Modern Research Literature=Barsoum, I. A,. The Scattered Pearls: A History of Syriac Literature and Sciences, 2nd revised (Piscataway, New Jersey: Gorgias Press, 2003)., p: 196. (Barsoum, I. A,. The Scattered Pearls: A History of Syriac Literature and Sciences, 2nd revised (Piscataway, New Jersey: Gorgias Press, 2003)., p: 196.); Gollancz, H., ‘The History of Sindbad and the Seven Wise Masters’, Transactions of the Folk-Lore Society 8 (1897), 99–130. (Gollancz, H., ‘The History of Sindbad and the Seven Wise Masters’, Transactions of the Folk-Lore Society 8 (1897), 99–130.); Jernstedt, V., Mich. Andreopuli Liber Syntipae (1912). (Greek translation); Macler, F., Contes syriaques. Histoire de Sindbad (1903).; Minets, Y., “Language of Speaking, Arguing, and Persuading: Cultural Exchange and Adaptation in Greek and Syriac Versions of the ‘History of Sindban/Syntipas’,” Das Mit- telalter 28:1 (2023), 155–171.; Minov, S., (ed.), A Comprehensive Bibliography on Syriac Christianity (The Center for the Study of Christianity, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2013) | ||
|Has | |Has Note=A precise provenancing of this manuscript is difficult to achieve. It was obtained by Julius Heinrich Petermann during his travels in eastern Anatolia in the 1850s. However, as far as I can find, Petermann does not provide any information on where he obtained it. Paratextual comments suggest that it circulated between at least two different monasteries. However, the presence of page numberings, an unusual practice in Syriac outside of hagiographies, is limited to a few monasteries, one of which is the old patriarchal headquarters of Mor Bar Sauma, just outside Melitene, where Michael Andreopoulos | ||
translated the Syriac into the Greek Syntipas. One potential reconstruction of this manuscript’s circulation history would be an initial production at Mor Bar Sauma, based on the earlier Sindban manuscript used by Michael Andreopoulos, likely around the 15th century (given that Garshuni only really takes off in the late 14th century), followed by an enforced move east in the 16th/17th century (when Mor Bar Sauma was gradually abandoned, and when we have records of the insertion of replacement folios in the manuscript), followed by a another move between the 17th and 19th centuries. | translated the Syriac into the Greek Syntipas. One potential reconstruction of this manuscript’s circulation history would be an initial production at Mor Bar Sauma, based on the earlier Sindban manuscript used by Michael Andreopoulos, likely around the 15th century (given that Garshuni only really takes off in the late 14th century), followed by an enforced move east in the 16th/17th century (when Mor Bar Sauma was gradually abandoned, and when we have records of the insertion of replacement folios in the manuscript), followed by a another move between the 17th and 19th centuries. | ||
Revision as of 19:45, 4 January 2026
Manuscript Identification
Textual Content & Tradition
Digitisation & Editions
Note
A precise provenancing of this manuscript is difficult to achieve. It was obtained by Julius Heinrich Petermann during his travels in eastern Anatolia in the 1850s. However, as far as I can find, Petermann does not provide any information on where he obtained it. Paratextual comments suggest that it circulated between at least two different monasteries. However, the presence of page numberings, an unusual practice in Syriac outside of hagiographies, is limited to a few monasteries, one of which is the old patriarchal headquarters of Mor Bar Sauma, just outside Melitene, where Michael Andreopoulos
translated the Syriac into the Greek Syntipas. One potential reconstruction of this manuscript’s circulation history would be an initial production at Mor Bar Sauma, based on the earlier Sindban manuscript used by Michael Andreopoulos, likely around the 15th century (given that Garshuni only really takes off in the late 14th century), followed by an enforced move east in the 16th/17th century (when Mor Bar Sauma was gradually abandoned, and when we have records of the insertion of replacement folios in the manuscript), followed by a another move between the 17th and 19th centuries.
The original texts of the manuscript seem to have been put together by at least 4 different hands (not including replacement folios). On folio 15, we have a series of signed paratextual records: in 1579 we have a priest, Hidayat, who, following aristocratic Syriac custom, provides family details, and, in 1660, a deacon named Qūsṭanṭīn. The other names are not dated, but follow the conventions of early modern Serto without diacritics or vocalisations. One possibility is that the dominant landowners around Mardin, a Syriac Christian family which produced several patriarchs of the Syriac Orthodox Church, and among whom the names Hidayat (admittedly a Syriac common name) and Qūsṭanṭīn (a far less common, classicising name) were ubiquitous, came to acquire the manuscript in the 1500s, which would explain both the apparent explosion of interest in the manuscript during this period and the literary links to the folk poetry of the Mardin region.Authorship & Production
Physical Description
Contents & Additional Texts
Catalogues & Research Literature
Research Material
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